Posts Tagged ‘civil argument’

Does Economics Trump Democracy?

Wednesday, August 5th, 2009
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Might 2009 be the beginning of the post-democracy era, complements of the current financial crisis?

Francis Fukayama once declared the ‘end of history,’ to wit, that the Great Questions of History have been answered, and that the consensus was that the best course for mankind was economic capitalism combined with a democratic government. There would be no more need for conflict; the case was closed in favor of modern Western values. The winning model included human rights, free and fair elections, and free markets.

Then came 9-11, which left no doubt that conflict remains, and that the consensus was not so consensual. There are people who object to modern notions of economics and government, and some become violent.

Asia can be seen as a case study substantiating that capitalism and democracy do not need one another. Post-World War II Japan was democratic on paper, but a one-party state in reality. South Korea and Singapore followed appropriately. All three grew to be wealthy. President Lee, the former leader of Singapore said that personal freedoms, which we value as key to our democracy, will lead to the downfall of the US. Such independence unleashes individualism, which leads to decadence and instability. For now ‘soft authoritarian’ countries on the Pacific Rim are boasting growing economies; their price is personal freedom, which Confucian societies value less than conformity and stability. China is following the same lead as the other ‘tiger economies,’ and this formerly-communist economy is increasing its GDP faster than any other nation, while its currently communist government swats away the flies of dissent. This model says that government will offer a stable environment for business; people are free to do as they will, within the confines of this ordered society, and everyone benefits. Except perhaps artists, oddballs, wierdos, innovators, non-conformists, rebelling teenagers, and all others not in line with the grand scheme of things. And why defend them, at the sacrifice of a rising affluence?

So maybe we are too free, and our decadent standard of living will cost us our position atop the hierarchy of nations. But the financial calamity of 2008-2009 resulted in another likelihood: that the utter complexity of economic life in the modern world is in the process of making democracy as we know it obsolete.

When the effects of the biggest financial catastrophy in 3/4 of a century were becoming felt, who took the lead in addressing the issue? Bureaucrats that were appointed, not elected. The Secretary of the Treasury, Henry Paulson, and the Federal Reserve chairman, Ben Bernanke, presented the national response, leading our representatives in Congress to at first hinder and then rubberstamp President Bush’s economic team’s strategy. In the meantime, we ordinary citizens tried to take hold of both the causes and the sheer size of the situation. Seven-hundred billion tax dollars to begin to fix this? Maybe a trillion-and-a-half when it is all over? To paraphrase the late Senator Dirksen, a trillion here and a trillion there and now we’re talking real money.

The Chinese people understand a system run by unelected officials. America has different expectations of government. But we have to deal with the complexities of re-regulating investment banks, controlling complex investment instruments, manipulating our $13 trillion economy, not to mention coordinating with central banks around the globe. It is likely, very likely, that the community politician we elected (wherever in the US we may reside) as our congressperson because she, or he, did such a excellent job on the school board is not up to this?

In fact, the elected head of the executive branch was little visible at the forefront of the crisis, which added to the inclination of the nation to elect the opposition political party to the presidency. What brash actions are in store from our new elected officials? Well, the new president brought in experienced bureaucrats to fill his economic team. Other fundamental changes? No. There is a stimulus plan, pretty much like the one pushed by President Bush, only bigger.

Is this abrogation of the policy limelight by elected officials in favor of insiders a good thing or a bad thing? If it is the belief of the central bankers to consider it necessary to bail out big corporations, increase unemployment benefits, and create jobs, why should we complain? If the welfare of big business means the welfare of most of us, what is the problem? If we need rapid success, why put our trust in the slow, political process of democracy?

Perhaps we shouldn’t agonize about the rights of those on the political and social fringe, because our idea of the fringe has changed over time. In his book Supercapitalism, Robert Reich, who is more optimistic than I am about the state of democracy today, looked back at the ‘50s as the Golden Years, saying that America offered high-paying blue collar jobs, corporate statesmanship, and a government-industry-labor partnership that maintained stability and prosperity; he noted that the cost was a rigid and stifling conformity. Peter Beinart recently wrote in Time that “The public mood on economics today is a lot like the public mood on culture 40 years ago: Americans want government to impose law and order — to keep their 401(k)s from going down, to keep their health-care premiums from going up, to keep their jobs from going overseas…”

Maybe people need only the appearance of control over their own lives. We can debate personal rights, complain over the internet a military action we differ with, and decide local issues. Are we prepared to leave the essence of national/global policy-making, the part that is in charge of how people make a living, to the experts? That is the way China does it and they are expanding at 8% per year.


In the Sanctimonious Lions for Lambs, The Good Guys are the Soldiers

Tuesday, August 4th, 2009
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I can understand why Lions for Lambs, Robert Redford’s recent movie, received mixed reviews; in fact, I can completely understand why many people would hate it. It is incredibly preachy. Nearly one-third of the film portrays Tom Cruise’s character (a Republican senator) lecturing Meryl Streep’s character (a veteran reporter) in support of the administration’s fight against terror, while the reporter in turn lectures the senator about the misguided war in Iraq. In the process, they preach at each other about their complicity in America’s failures.

Up to this point, that is already a lot of preaching.

But here is the brilliant insight within the film: it questions whether or not the political debates in academia and government have any meaning at all. The sympathetic heroes of the movie are two young men who tire of the arguments and choose action, to wit, going to Afghanistan to fight for their country. As a result of political decisions that are being debated in offices and hallways a long way away, they end up in mortal danger.

The film itself has four main locations. The senator’s office is the first setting. In the second, a university professor’s office, Robert Redford’s character debates a promising but disengaged student about his role in life. The third locale takes place in the editor’s office and centers around an argument about the role of the press. The fourth is a snowy mountain ridge in Afghanistan.

The senator and reporter have the first Great Debate. Both are skilled insiders. The senator is a key player in a new aggressive military strategy in Afghanistan, with implications for Iraq, Iran, and the entire Near East. The reporter’s first reporting job concerned Vietnam, and her liberal sensibilities — anti-Republican and anti-war — come through loud and clear. After running through the worn out pros and cons for, and against, military action in Asia, the two end up challenging each other over who is using who in the relationship between media and government. When the reporter takes the argument back to her editor, it takes on a different slant: what is the relationship between the corporate world and ‘real’ news?

The more accessible argument is between the professor and the student. The professor is a Vietnam vet turned protester, who became a professor. He thought that he could utilize his intelligence, his words, and his professorial credentials to alter the world. He failed. He reconciled himself to a different mission: to single out a few extraordinary students and push them toward greatness.

Currently, those of us who educate students in the social sciences can be forgiven, I believe, for considering the professor something other than a complete disappointment. We teach students about history, geography, and politics, but these are things that do not necessarily reach most students, but for good reason. They do not have a frame of reference for understanding the vital importance of these subjects. But as they mature, the kids will use what we teach — although probably without realization —- as they connect the mental dots and make sense of the planet.

The student opposite Redford’s professor became a cynic, figuring at a young age that certain elites make the decisions, and that even entering those elites is corrupting. So earn some money, live a charmed life, and don’t take any responsibility for any of the decisions made in the halls of power.

This brings me to Afghanistan. The professor’s class had two of the soldiers. They chose action, they chose to do something. They thought that serving their country gave them credibility as the driving forces of change that academia did not. The professor tried to dissuade them, but they joined the Army, as special forces soldiers. This put them in grave danger, and this tied them to the other debates.

The following question is raised: should the student should live the good life, or risk being pinned down by the Taliban in an icy gorge in the Hindu Kush? How much does it matter if the senator’s military plan is the right one? Does it lessen the soldiers’ dignity and exonerate the student and professor who choose a battlefield of words in a cushy college setting? If soldiers are killed, is the reporter culpable for playing the insiders’ games instead of sounding the alarm? Does the path of action turn the soldiers into pathetic pawns in a game played for the benefit of distant powers? Or are they the only real players, and the pathetic ones are the suits who send our hopes into the snowy skies over a shadowy and barren country?

Maybe the world is just too complicated for regular folks, and the noble life of action is the morally correct one. Maybe the debates of wonks in Washington or New York no longer connect to the real world.


Is the World Too Complicated for Democracy?

Friday, July 31st, 2009
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Could 2009 be the beginning of the post-democracy era, complements of the current financial crisis?

Francis Fukayama once said that the ‘end of history,’ that is to know, that the Great Questions of History have been resolved, and that the understanding was that the best course for mankind was economic capitalism combined with a democratic government. There would be no more need for conflict; the case was closed in favor of modern Western values. The triumphant representation included human rights, free and fair elections, and free markets.

Then came 9-11, which left no doubt that conflict remains, and that the consensus was not so consensual. There are people who object to modern notions of economics and government, and some become violent.

Asia can be seen as a case study substantiating that capitalism and democracy do not need one another. Post-World War II Japan was democratic on paper, but a one-party state in actuality. South Korea and Singapore followed suit. All three grew to be wealthy. President Lee, Singapore’s former leader, stated that personal freedoms, which we regard as key to our democracy, will lead to the downfall of the US. Such freedom unleashes individualism, which leads to decadence and instability. For the time being ‘soft authoritarian’ countries on the Pacific Rim are exhibiting growing economies; their price is personal freedom, which Confucian societies value less than conformity and stability. China is following the same lead as the other ‘tiger economies,’ and this formerly-communist economy is increasing its GDP faster than any other nation, while its currently communist government swats away the flies of dissent. This model says that government will offer a stable environment for business; people are free to do as they will, within the confines of this ordered society, and everyone benefits. With the exception, perhaps, of artists, oddballs, wierdos, innovators, non-conformists, rebelling teenagers, and anyone else not in line with the grand scheme of things. And why stick up for them, at the expense of a mounting prosperity?

So perhaps we are too free, and our decadent existence will cost us our position atop the hierarchy of nations. But the financial predicament of 2008-2009 begot another possibility: that the sheer complexity of economic life in the modern world is in the process of making democracy as we know it obsolete.

When the effects of the biggest financial disaster in ¾ of a century were becoming experienced, who took the lead in addressing the issue? Not elected officials, but appointed bureaucrats. The Secretary of the Treasury, Henry Paulson, and the Federal Reserve chairman, Ben Bernanke, presented the national response, leading our representatives in Congress to at first hinder and then rubberstamp President Bush’s economic team’s strategy. For the moment, we ordinary citizens tried to grasp both the causes and the sheer size of the situation. Seven-hundred billion tax dollars to commence fixing this? Possibly a trillion-and-a-half when all is said and done? To paraphrase the late Senator Dirksen, a trillion here and a trillion there and now we’re talking real money.

The citizens of China comprehend a system run by unelected bureaucrats. Expectations of government are different in America. But we have to manage the intricacies of re-regulating investment banks, supervising complex investment instruments, manipulating our $13 trillion economy, not to mention coordinating with central banks around the globe. It is possible that the community politician we elected (anywhere in the US we may live) as our congressperson because s/he did such a great job on the school board is not up to this?

Actually, the President was little visible at the forefront of the crisis, which contributed to the inclination of the nation to elect the opposition political party to the presidency. What bold actions are in store from our new elected officials? Well, the new president brought in skilled bureaucrats to fill his economic team. Other fundamental changes? No. They created a bigger stimulus plan much like the one pushed by President Bush.

Is this abrogation of the policy limelight by elected officials in favor of insiders a good thing or a bad thing? If the central bankers deem it necessary to bail out big corporations, increase unemployment benefits, and create jobs, why should we object? If the wellbeing of big business means the welfare of most of us, what is the dilemma? If we need swift action, why put our reliance in the slow, political process of democracy?

Maybe we should not be concerned about the rights of those on the political and social fringe, because our idea of the fringe has changed over time. In his book Supercapitalism, Robert Reich, who is more optimistic than I am about the state of democracy today, looked back at the ‘50s as the Golden Years, saying that America offered high-paying blue collar jobs, corporate statesmanship, and a government-industry-labor partnership that maintained stability and prosperity; he noted that the cost was a rigid and stifling conformity. Peter Beinart recently wrote in Time that “The public mood on economics today is a lot like the public mood on culture 40 years ago: Americans want government to impose law and order — to keep their 401(k)s from going down, to keep their health-care premiums from going up, to keep their jobs from going overseas…”

Maybe people need only the appearance of control over their own lives. We can deliberate personal rights, voice disapproval over the internet a military action we oppose, and decide local issues. Are we prepared to leave the meat of national/global policy-making, the part that controls how people make a living, to the experts? That is the way China does it and they are expanding at 8% per year.